The Vanishing Vaquita: A History of Social and Ecological Conflict

One of the largest facets of the environmental protection movement is biological conservation through protecting vulnerable species. There are many organizations and leaders dedicated to protecting wildlife and their ecosystems. The Gulf of California is a dynamic region where biological conservation, social justice, and other initiatives often collide. A modern issue the movement faces is conflicting interests between these initiatives. The decline of the vaquita, a small endemic porpoise, reflects the consequences of well-intentioned policies with inadequate collaboration. A future that is ecologically and socially sustainable requires intentional communication and collaboration with communities at the center of conservation and environmental justice issues. An exploration of the Gulf of California and history of conservation efforts for the vaquita provides insight into the importance of collaborative research, policy, and management. 

The vaquita (Phocoena sinus) is a small porpoise endemic to a 1,500 mile area in the Sea of Cortez in the upper Gulf of California in Mexico. The International Union for the Conservation of Nature lists the vaquita as critically endangered and gives it the solemn title of the most endangered marine mammal. The species was only recently discovered and documented by western literature in 1958. Sights are rare, making it difficult for research and monitoring, because the species is shy and mostly solitary. The small porpoises have a distinctive large, dark ring around their eye and grow up to five feet long and 120 pounds. They prefer the shallow waters along the California Gulf coast, and a diet of small fish, crustaceans, and cephalopods. This has likely led to their endangerment from local fisheries. Three complete surveys have estimated the population to be 567 individuals in 1997, 245 in 2008, and 59 in the most recent voyage in 2015. In 2019, six individuals were observed and current estimates of the population are as low as ten individuals. The rapid decline of the species is mostly attributed to bycatch mortality, especially in gillnets. A gillnet is a wall of netting suspended in the water with a mesh size designed to allow only a fish’s head to pass through. The gills of the fish become trapped in the mesh as the fish attempts to back out of the net. Gillnets are a known risk to marine mammals, the necks, mouths, and flippers can become entangled and prevent proper feeding, constrict growth, or cause infections. Gillnets in the Sea of Cortez are set for the shrimp fisheries and catching totoaba, a critically endangered fish species. The totoaba is a large species growing up to 6.6 feet and 220 pounds, an unfortunately perfect size for vaquitas to get caught in their gillnets. An illegal global market prizes the totoaba’s swim bladders at prices up to $46,000 per kilogram. A solution to this situation may seem simple enough, ban totoaba fishing and reduce the risk of gillnet bycatch for the vaquita. However, the region’s complex history of management, policy, and socioeconomic inequality reveals that a solution that only supports biological conservation is not sufficient. A review of the history behind the vaquita’s demise provides insight into the importance of collaborative management with local communities. 

The region surrounding the Sea of Cortez has a history of resource extraction, exploitation, and conflict. Indigenous communities of the region include the Cucapá (Cocopha or Kwapa) and O’odham who have inhabited the region for thousands of years. The ecosystem is fueled by the Colorado River, and the Delta had supported subsistence fishing for the local communities. The Totoaba was originally hunted for local consumption, but many pressures resulted in their population decline and rise in economic value. Damming throughout the early 18th century severely restricted water flow and resulted in disastrous conditions for the region. Many Cucapá were forced to seek employment opportunities and access to resources elsewhere, shrinking their community from over 5,000 to 300 members. It is estimated that about 500 people in Mexico and the U.S. still speak the native Cucapá language. In the 1920s, agreements between the U.S. and Mexican governments allowed the transport and sale of Totoaba across the international border. The totoaba was originally sold for the sole purpose of its swim bladder and other parts of the fish were discarded. The rapidly developing market exploited workers from local communities through a complex system of permits from the Mexican Government. Research during the 1950s demonstrated the vulnerability of a spawning area at the mouth of the Colorado River Delta, and a ban on gillnets was established but loosely enforced. A record low catch in 1975 resulted in a ban on all fishing of Totoaba and in 1977, it became the first marine fish to be listed as endangered by the Convention on International Trade of Endangered Species (CITES). Research using gillnets on totoaba revealed the risk of bycatch for the Vaquita, and it was eventually listed as Critically Endangered in 1990. Additionally, The Mexican government established the region as a biosphere reserve in 1995 and created the International Committee for the Recovery of the Vaquita (CIRVA) in 1996 to develop and execute a recovery plan for the species.  A study from 1993 to 1995 determined that the decline in the Vaquita population is mainly attributed to bycatch in gillnets rather than human alterations to the Colorado River. A core habitat was located and designated as a Vaquita Refuge where all commercial fishing, including gillnets, has been banned since 2005. Furthermore, the Mexican government created the Species Conservation Action Plan for Vaquita (PACE Vaquita) that initiated support for local fishermen to adopt risk-free practices. An upturn of illegal totoaba fishing slowed recovery and an acoustic monitoring program in 2011 estimated less than 100 remaining individuals. The Mexican government responded by compensating fishermen and placing the Navy in charge of enforcing the gillnet ban. Continued surveys demonstrated little hope for the Vaquita and the species is considered functionally extinct. 

Although the international policy surrounding vaquita protection was very rapid and extreme, enforcement was not efficient and often led to conflict. The biosphere reserve established in 1993 seized parts of the Cucapá territory and ancestral fishing grounds without any consultation. In 2003, the Cucapá formed a cooperative to demand their sovereignty of the region and the National Human Rights Commission of Mexico released a recommendation for allowing the Cucapá to exercise their cultural practices and fishing activity in the reserve. The recommendation still did not provide the Cucapá with exclusive fishing rights and the community faces frequent hostility from the government and military in attempts to intimidate them from fishing in the region. This conflict increases in complexity with the fishing of the Gulf Corvina, a fish listed as vulnerable by the IUCN. Additional competition between the fishing, tourism, and conservation industries place immense pressure on local communities like the Cucapá that rely on fishing for their livelihood and culture. On January 5th of this year, a local fisherman in Baja California was killed in a clash with the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society attempting to stop gillnet fishing practices. These situations reveal that conservation efforts that ignore the needs of local communities are not sustainable and likely stall progress. 

The conflicts between local communities, private industry, and international governments inhibit the success of conservation efforts for the vaquita and totoaba. A tumultuous history in this region reveals that policy will not be successful without consideration of and collaboration with local communities at the forefront of conservation issues. Extreme conservation efforts like a complete ban on fishing only fuels distrust in the priorities of local and international government, making future collaboration even more difficult. In the 21st century, it is essential that there is collaboration between Western science, Traditional Ecological Knowledge, and other community-based knowledge to produce management strategies and policy that support biological conservation without jeopardizing the livelihood of local communities.